lunes, 27 de junio de 2011

WIKILEAKS REVELATIONS ON PERU

WikiLeaks Revelations on PERU
Exposing the Growing Corporatism Dominating American Diplomacy Abroad

By Rania Khalek

http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article28401.htm

June 22 2011 "Information Clearing House" -- One of the most significant scourges paralyzing our democracy is the merger of corporate power with elected and appointed government officials at the highest levels of office. Influence has a steep price-tag in American politics where politicians are bought and paid for with ever increasing campaign contributions from big business, essentially drowning out any and all voices advocating on behalf of the public interest.

Millions of dollars in campaign funding flooding Washington's halls of power combined with tens of thousands of high-paid corporate lobbyists and a never-ending revolving door that allows corporate executives to shuffle between the public and private sectors has blurred the line between government agencies and private corporations.

This corporate dominance over government affairs helps to explain why we are plagued by a health-care system that lines the pockets of industry executives to the detriment of the sick; a war industry that causes insurmountable death and destruction to enrich weapons-makers and defense contractors; and a financial sector that violates the working class and poor to dole out billions of dollars in bonuses to Wall Street CEO's.

The implications of this rapidly growing corporatism reach far beyond our borders and into the realm of American diplomacy, as in one case where efforts by US diplomats forced the minimum wage for beleaguered Haitian workers to remain below sweatshop levels.

In this context of corporate government corruption, one of WikiLeaks' greatest achievements has been to expose the exorbitant amount of influence that multinational corporations have over Washington's diplomacy. Many of the WikiLeaks US embassy cables reveal the naked intervention by our ambassadorial staff in the business of foreign countries on behalf of US corporations. From mining companies in Peru to pharmaceutical companies in Ecuador, one WikiLeaks embassy cable after the next illuminates a pattern of US diplomats shilling for corporate interests abroad in the most underhanded and sleazy ways imaginable.

While the merger of corporate and government power isn't exactly breaking news, it is one of the most critical yet under-reported issues of our time. And WikiLeaks has given us an inside look at the inner-workings of this corporate-government collusion, often operating at the highest levels of power. It is crystal clear that it's standard operating procedure for US government officials to moonlight as corporate stooges. Thanks to WikiLeaks, here are five instances that display the lengths to which Washington is willing to go to protect and promote US corporations around the world.

CASES 4 and 5: PERU

4. Washington 'hearts' abusive mining companies in Peru.

From Bolivia to Venezuela to Peru, American diplomats are obsessed with securing the profits of multinational mining corporations at the cost of indigenous rights and the environment. At least that is the impression given by WikiLeaks cables that detail the eruption of anti-mining protests near the Ecuador border against the mining firm Minera Majaz.

In August 2005, a group of protesters in northern Peru marched to the site of a copper mine operated by the firm Minera Majaz, a subsidiary of the British mining company Monterrico Metals. Of the hundreds of people who converged at the mine site from the surrounding communities, 28 were brutally tortured and three were shot, one of whom bled to death.

But you wouldn't know this from the WikiLeaks US embassy cables that describe the protests. The tone is one of sympathy for the mining company, while depicting the protesters as dark and sinister "militant anti-mining protesters" maliciously sabotaging Majaz.

In a cable following the protests, J. Curtis Struble, the former US ambassador to Peru, toes the Majaz line that communists and unions were to blame for sowing the seeds of rebellion, an accusation that reeks of Washington's typical red-baiting of anything opposed to abusive corporate practices in the developing world.

"The anti-mining forces in action in Majaz represent a strange group of bedfellows indeed -- the Catholic church, violent radical leftists, NGOs, ronderos and perhaps narcotraffickers. Working behind the scene are a combination of the Peruvian Communist Party/Patria Roja, national teachers, union SUTEP and perhaps opium poppy traffickers," says Struble.

Struble's glowing profile of the mining company reads: "Majaz has spent $20 million exploring for copper for over a year, building roads and providing services and employment to area residents. Militants still deny access to most of the pipeline route."

Not once does Struble acknowledge the long history of devastation that mining companies have caused throughout the region, such as pollution of the local water supply and land, the use of brutal paramilitaries in assassinating indigenous leaders who challenge them, or the displacement caused by theft of indigenous lands.

Just days after the blatant human rights violations committed against the protesters, another cable reveals that the US and Canadian ambassadors hosted a meeting with representatives from several international mining companies in Peru. Struble expresses his pan to reinforce security in the mines, to avoid the closing of highways by demonstrators which would disrupt commerce, and to encourage the Peruvian government to prosecute the protesters.

5. Diplomats as corporate spies. A more recent US embassy cable dated March 17, 2008, reveals that US diplomats spied on indigenous activists and their supporters who were organizing anti-summit protests against the European Union-Latin American Heads of State summit that was scheduled in Lima that year.

US ambassador to Peru James Nealon identified specific indigenous activists and tracked the involvement of Bolivian President Evo Morales, Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez, Bolivia Ambassador Pablo Solon, prominent Quechua activist Miguel Palacin Quispe and other influential community leaders.

What do all these people have in common? Their unwavering support for indigenous rights and the environment along with their successful organizing tactics and popularity among indigenous populations, which has Washington's corporate masters shaking in their boots.

Nealon describes the anti-summit groups as "a variety of radical Peruvian social movements and European anti-globalization NGOs," citing specific peasant and indigenous groups along with the names of prominent organizers who the US embassy was keeping tabs on. The cable is riddled with insulting references to Venezuela's Hugo Chavez and Bolivia's Evo Morales, particularly Morales and his supporters. One Bolivian social leader is described as a "pro-Morales ideologue" and another as a "top Evo Morales adviser and anti-free trade and globalization guru."

In almost all of the Peru cables, the US government interprets the enemies of corporate power as being enemies of the United States. As a result, leftist activists and community organizers, particularly those who threaten corporate profits, are regularly targeted. Unions, environmentalists and indigenous communities that challenge multinationals are consistently regarded with disdain and viewed as hostile villains. The US government's propensity at conflating threats to corporate interests as threats to US interests should alarm anyone who values democracy.

What don't we know about?

Besides getting a good laugh at watching pathetically corrupt diplomats whore themselves out to corporate executives, these cables give us a rare glimpse at American diplomatic subservience to corporate behemoths regardless of the costs to people and the environment.

It appears that the collusion between corporate executives and US diplomats is taking place at an ever accelerating rate around the globe, yet more and more, these shady endeavors are shrouded in secrecy. Transparency and accountability have taken such a devastating blow over the past decade, that whistleblowers and media outlets such as WikiLeaks are the only mechanisms left still capable of shedding light on the consequences of the unbridled corporate influence infecting our government.
With tens of thousands of WikiLeaks embassy cables still waiting to be published, there’s sure to be hundreds if not thousands of episodes involving US corporate and government collusion that have yet to be discovered.

Rania Khalek is a progressive activist. Check out her blog Missing Pieces or follow her on Twitter @Rania_ak. You can contact her at raniakhalek@gmail.com.

=========================


CASE 4: PERU 28 were brutally tortured and three were shot, one of whom bled to death.

British mining company faces damages claim after allegations of torture in Peru. By Ian Cobain guardian.co.uk, Sunday 18 October 2009
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2009/oct/18/peru-monterrico-metals-mining-protest
see video:

• Hundreds of farmers made a protest against the site of the planned copper mine in August 2005 and 28 say they were detained over three days and abused. Three were shot by police, including one man who was fatally injured. While there is no suggestion the mining company was responsible for the shootings, the protesters claim the man who died was left to bleed to death at the mine site without being given medical attention. The firm - Monterrico Metals - says the man was shot away from the mine. Monterrico says a police officer was shot in the leg by the protesters, and that the demonstrators were detained because of this assault.

-----------------------

• Watch Michael Watts documentary on the protest at the mine including witness accounts of abuse at the hands of police.
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/video/2009/oct/16/peru-protest-montericco-torture
• Michael Watts and Mustafa Khalili
• guardian.co.uk,
• Sunday 18 October 2009
See LAGUNA NEGRA: Huancabamba, Peru
http://www.vimeo.com/6942613?intcmp=239

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DOS WIKI-PERU RELEASED ON MINING
• US embassy cables: Mining companies worried about security
31 Jan 2011: 19/08/2005
UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 03 LIMA 003609
• US embassy cables: Peru rocked by violent anti-mining protests
31 Jan 2011: Cable: 17/08/2005
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 LIMA

-----------------------------------------------------------------------------

AQUI EL CABLE DE WIKILEAKS PUBLICADO x THE GUARDIAN
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/us-embassy-cables-documents/38742

US embassy cables: Peru rocked by violent anti-mining protests
• guardian.co.uk, Monday 31 January 2011 16.45 GMT
• Article history: About this article
• US embassy cables: Peru rocked by violent anti-mining protests
• This article was published on guardian.co.uk at 16.45 GMT on Monday 31 January 2011. It was last modified at 16.45 GMT on Monday 31 January 2011.

Cable dated:2005-08-17T21:24:00]
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 LIMA 003571
SIPDIS
EB FOR A/S WAYNE; WHA FOR MONSERRATE; INL FOR AGUILERA
E.O. 12958: DECL: 08/16/2015
TAGS: EMIN, PGOV, SNAR, ASEC, EINV, ENRG, PE
SUBJECT: MAJAZ ANTI-MINING VIOLENCE ON ECUADOR BORDER
REF: A. LIMA 1432
B. 04 LIMA 5874
Classified By: Ambassador J. Curtis Struble. Reason: 1.4 (b,d)

1. (SBU) SUMMARY: Violent protests against British firm Majaz,s exploration for copper near the Ecuador border have resulted in three deaths and several kidnappings. An unusual combination of anti-mining NGOs, the Catholic Church, leftist groups and narcotraffickers have marshaled protesters from the surrounding provincesXXXXXXXXXXXX The Mission continues its work with other Embassies and mining investors to promote conflict resolution. END SUMMARY.

2. (U) Sporadic protests began a year ago in the Minera Majaz exploration zone along the Rio Blanco, on the Ecuadorian border in northern Piura. XXXXXXXXXXXX On 7/28 protesters began road blockages and confrontations with the Peruvian National Police (PNP). The GOP sent a negotiating team to the zone to lower tensions, but Vice Minister of Mines (MEM) Romulo Mucho was injured by a protester as he left a negotiating session in Cajamarca. Despite claims that police killed many protesters, only one death (gunshot from an unknown assailant) was confirmed during demonstrations. The PNP reported also that two locals died in their home when their explosive device detonated.

3. (SBU) On 8/6 Ronderos kidnapped two Majaz employees and took them to villages where they were beaten. The two were released, but on 8/14 ronderos kidnapped ten other employees, releasing them only after the employees signed agreements not to work for Majaz. Ronderos have announced plans for more demonstrations on 8/18.

4. (C) Conversations between Mission officers, MEM VM Mucho, Majaz executives, NGO representatives and PNP officials yielded a common theme that the protesters have no negotiable complaints, but rather want to keep outsiders away. The forces overtly arrayed against Majaz are the local ronderos, mayors, several Catholic priests and some NGOs. Working behind the scene are a combination of the Peruvian Communist Party/Patria Roja, national teachers, union SUTEP and perhaps opium poppy traffickers.

5. (SBU) The Peruvian National Police have said publicly that they believe opium traffickers have also played a role in stoking the violence -- an assertion the police have amplified in private conversations with Emboffs. Police report that they have destroyed over 70,000 opium poppy plants in Northern Peru since June 2005. Company representatives have also asserted that the Majaz exploration site lies along a foot track used by couriers who convey opium latex to Ecuador.

6. (C) Comment: This area of northern Peru is in fact a priority target of our efforts to collect intelligence on poppy cultivation and opium trafficking. We are working with both the police and company representatives to further develop the information they have. So far, however, the information is general. There have been past instances when non-U.S. mining companies have claimed unconvincingly that narco-traffickers were behind opposition to their operations in an effort to enlist our assistance. End Comment.

7. (C) NGO XXXXXXXXXXXX has becomeXXXXXXXXXXXX frustrated XXXXXXXXXXXX in the Majaz community negotiations. XXXXXXXXXXXX told us that Majaz and MEM VM Mucho were making reasonable efforts to mediate; here, XXXXXXXXXXXX said, the ronderos refused to negotiate and simply wanted Majaz to leave. XXXXXXXXXXXX noted that other mediating NGOs XXXXXXXXXXXX were experiencing the same frustration with the ronderos.

8. (U) Minera Majaz is the Peruvian subsidiary of British firm Monterrico Metals. Majaz has spent $20 million exploring for copper for over a year, building roads and providing services and employment to area residents. Exploratory drilling has finished; surveying of a planned copper concentrate pipeline (the last step for Majaz,s feasibility study) ceased during protests but resumed on 8/11. Militants still deny access to most of the pipeline route. The planned $800 million investment in a deposit of 1.3 billion metric tons (MT) of copper ore could produce 220,000 MT of copper concentrate and 500 MT of molybdenum per year.

9. (U) Embassy Lima has recently stepped up efforts to improve coordination with the embassies of Canada, Great Britain, Australia, Switzerland and South Africa as well as with major foreign mining investors with an eye to reducing anti-mining violence (Septel/Reftels).

10. (C) Comment: The anti-mining forces in action in Majaz represent a strange group of bedfellows indeed -- the Catholic church, violent radical leftists, NGOs, ronderos and perhaps narcotraffickers. These organizations are competing for a leadership role but in some cases also cooperate. The extent to which the church is tied into the ronderos and radical left is both controversial and still open to question. Unlike recent conflicts in Southern Peru (e.g., Tintaya) the protests in Majaz are not aimed at forcing a redistribution of royalties or more generous economic support from a mine. Northern Peru has a reputation for being more anti-mining than the South, where the industry is better developed and more of the local populations see benefits from the activity. The objective of protesters in Majaz is to kill the project while it is in the exploration phase -- before, presumably, a pro-mine constituency can develop in the area. STRUBLE


===========================

MORE WIKI LEAKS SAME PAGE http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/us-embassy-cables-documents/38742
• More on this story

UK firm's partner 'wanted Peru to curb priests in mine conflict areas'
BHP Billiton associate urged removal of teachers and clergy, according to leaked US embassy cables
• Cable: Mining companies worried about security
THE US EMBASSY CABLES que EL COMERCIO NO MENCIONO EN 331 CABLES http://elcomercio.pe/buscar/Wikileaks
UK firm's partner 'wanted Peru to curb priests in mine conflict areas'
BHP Billiton associate urged removal of teachers and clergy, according to leaked US embassy cables
• Tim Webb
• guardian.co.uk, Monday 31 January 2011 19.44 GMT
• Article history

Three protesters were shot by during the Majaz mine demonstrations - one died
A mining company in Peru part-owned by a British FTSE 100 company agitated for the removal of teachers and Catholic bishops to new posts away from "conflictive mining communities", according to a leaked US cable obtained via WikiLeaks.[1]

An executive of the company, in which BHP Billiton has a one-third stake, urged diplomats to persuade the Peruvian government and church to "rotate" such professionals out of sensitive areas, the secret document said.

The US and Canadian ambassadors, who hosted a summit of foreign mining executives in Peru in August 2005, requested specific examples of "anti-mining" teachers and bishops "who engage in inappropriate activities" to take to government and church leaders, the cable claimed.

The US embassy reported in another cable that the role of the church in the protests – mostly involving local indigenous communities – was "controversial and still open to question".

The cable also claims mining companies were said to feed information to the US embassy about the activities of drug traffickers in northern Peru.

The Majaz open cast mine, owned by British company Monterrico Metals and site of one of the bloodiest protests shortly before the summit, was said by company representatives to lie "along a foot track used by couriers who convey opium latex to Ecuador," reported the same cable.

"We are working with both the police and company representatives to further develop the information they have," the cable said. But it added that in the past there had been instances where unnamed non-US companies falsely claimed that drugs traffickers were co-ordinating protests to "enlist our [US government] assistance".

Police shot three protesters at the Majaz mine protest, one of whom died. Protesters have issued proceedings in the high court in London against Monterrico Metals relating to the alleged "torture, inhuman and degrading treatment and false imprisonment" of demonstrators by police.

The company, which was taken over by Chinese gold mining firm Zijin in 2007, has vigorously denied any involvement in the alleged abuses at the mine and said it considers "allegations to the contrary made by the claimants to be wholly without merit". The case is listed for trial in October.


Following the Majaz protest, the Peruvian president launched a crackdown on anti-mining demonstrations and promised to protect foreign mining investments in the country, the world's third largest copper producer.

At the summit, the first cable reports the US ambassador also encouraged the mining companies to provide examples of NGOs or individuals advocating violence against them.

"Armed with this information, ambassadors would be able to confront any NGOs from their respective countries about such dangerous activities," reported the cable.

An executive from Anglo American's Minera Quellaveco reportedly blamed Oxfam America and Friends of the Earth for largely "fomenting anti-mining attitudes" at the meeting, it was alleged.

A spokesman for Oxfam America said that while such NGOs tried to make sure companies treated communities "justly", they only did so through legal channels and never advocated violence.

Antamina is Peru's second largest copper producer and is 33.75% owned by Anglo-Australian multinational BHP Billiton. Swiss-based miner Xstrata took a 33.75% stake in 2006, with the remainder owned by Japan's Mitsubishi and Canada's Teck.

The cable reports: "The Antamina executive recommended that the diplomats meet as a group with the education ministry to encourage a rotation of teachers – often members of the radical SUTEP teachers union and Patria Roja [a left wing political group] - in conflictive mining communities.


"He also suggested that the embassies urge the Catholic church to rotate bishops operating in these regions. The ambassadors agreed to consider this, but needed specific examples of anti-mining teachers and priests who engage in inappropriate activities."

Antamina said: "The statements attributed to a former employee do not express Antamina's policies or values either today or when the remarks were supposedly made. Antamina operates under a rigorous code of conduct, and works with its communities and local institutions in a spirit of collaboration and respect."

BHP said it did not operate the Antamina business but added: "BHP Billiton encourages all the companies with which it partners, including joint ventures like Antamina that are not under BHP Billiton control, to adopt its principles of business conduct."

Anglo American said it "enjoys strong and constructive relationships with a large number of NGO partners around the world, including in Peru where our social investment initiatives are a significant focus as we progress our two multibillion dollar copper projects, Quellaveco and Michiquillay".

Notes
1. according to a leaked US cable obtained via WikiLeaks.
US embassy cables: Mining companies worried about security
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/us-embassy-cables-documents/38881
• guardian.co.uk, Monday 31 January 2011 16.47 GMT
• Article history

-----------------

ID:38881 Cable dated:2005-08-19T18:20:00
UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 03 LIMA 003609
SIPDIS
SENSITIVE
DEPT FOR WHA/AND, EB/TPP BMANOGUE
COMMERCE FOR 4331/MAC/WH/MCAMERON
USTR FOR BHARMAN TAGS: N/A
TAGS: EMIN, ETRD, SNAR, PTER, ECON, EINV, PGOV, PE
TAGS:
TAGS: A) LIMA 3571, B) 04 LIMA 5874, C) LIMA 3105

1. (SBU) Summary: The U.S. and Canadian Ambassadors hosted a meeting on August 11 for representatives of international mining companies to review their operating difficulties in Peru and to coordinate efforts to improve the investment climate. Consensus among the companies is that radical forces (Communist Party-Patria Roja, drug traffickers and rural defense committees--ronderos) are increasingly active in rural communities, seeking to target mining operations throughout the country. Because of the electoral campaign, the companies do not expect the government to take a proactive role enhancing security in mining areas over the next 18 months. Ambassador Struble requested that each company develop a comprehensive list of their community projects (e.g., roads, schools, clinics, wells) to better publicize the positive impact of mining projects in Peru. End Summary.

2. (U) The U.S. and Canadian Ambassadors jointly hosted a meeting on August 11 to coordinate efforts with representatives from several international mining companies in Peru: Antamina, Newmont (Minera Yanacocha), Minera Quellaveco, Barrick, BHP Billiton (Tintaya mine). The Swiss Charge, the new Australian Consul General, and the British Embassy Trade and Investment official also participated. A representative from the South African Embassy, which forms part of this diplomatic mining group, was unable to attend. The Ambassadors sought the companies' views on initiatives each side could undertake to help improve the investment climate and security conditions in mining communities. The meeting took place shortly after the violence against British firm Majaz's exploration in Northern Peru (Ref A).
Bolder Opposition to Mining Operations

--------------------------------------

3. (SBU) Carlos Santa Cruz, Director of Minera Yanacocha (South America's largest gold mine) noted that conditions have changed since the last meeting hosted by the Canadian Ambassador (Ref B). Santa Cruz observed that NGOs have taken a backseat in the campaign against multinational mining companies since the outbreak of violence against the Anglo-Australian owned, BHP-Tintaya copper mine (Ref C), a model mining project near Cusco. He opined that radical groups, i.e., local politicians and fringe political groups such as Patria Roja, have now taken on this role. Santa Cruz believes that the objective of these groups is to create serious problems by attacking the industry and economic system. Most of the company General Managers lamented they are focused on improving security rather than enhancing production.

4. (SBU) Felipe Cantuarias, Vice President of Commercial and Corporate Affairs for Minera Antamina (copper and zinc producer), remarked that the companies are dealing with a new phenomenon: local politicians that promote violence and have ties to ronderos and coca growers. He stated that there is no solution in the short term; the GOP does not have the tools or desire to confront these radical politicians. To minimize future disruptions, Cantuarias indicated that the companies would have to take on more social responsibilities in the communities, providing jobs or visible infrastructure projects.

5. (SBU) Cantuarias contends that the recent disruptions are well-organized efforts to stop responsible mining companies from operating in Peru and Ecuador, much like the national anti-hydrocarbons movement that succeeded in Bolivia. While recent anti-mining efforts have focused on companies in the north (Quillish and Majaz), the Antamina executive noted there are indications that Dodge Phelps' Cerro Verde project (copper mine) near Arequipa in the south or the isolated Las Bambas (copper deposit near Cusco) could become future targets.
Watching the NGOs

-----------------

6. (SBU) XXXXXXXXXXXX of Minera Quellaveco, laid much of the blame on Oxfam America and Friends of the Earth, stating the two international NGOs are fomenting anti-mining attitudes, exploiting low levels of education and weak institutions in rural areas of Peru. (Note: Oxfam America played a key role in mediating the conflict during the Tintaya crisis, Ref C. End Note.) The Ambassador stated that NGOs are entitled to express their views; nevertheless, he encouraged the companies to bring to his and the other Ambassadors' attention NGO-funded groups or individuals that advocate violence. He requested, for example, public statements, newspaper reports or radio spots that encourage violence. Armed with this information, Ambassadors would be able to confront any NGOs from their respective countries about such dangerous activities.

7. (SBU) The Canadian Ambassador recounted her recent visit to one of the country's top polling institutions and left impressed that NGOs, such as Oxfam UK, regularly consult the public opinion surveyors to obtain a feel for what issues and concerns motivate communities. She noted that the NGOs appeared to be well ahead of the companies in determining how and what messages to convey in rural mining regions.
Next Steps

----------

8. (SBU) Ambassador Struble noted that security problems in mining communities affect the interests of several countries. He recommended that the Embassies as a group (U.S., Canada, U.K., Australia, Switzerland, and South Africa) highlight the billions of dollars invested in Peru by international mining companies. The Ambassador stated that diplomats often have opportunities to remind Peruvian officials and the public of the benefits of modern mining and the higher salaries paid by mining-related jobs in Peru, but they need details. The Ambassador requested that the companies compile a list of all civic actions implemented by the international companies (roads, wells, schools, clinics) in mining communities to better publicize the benefits of mining projects throughout the country.

9. (U) The Antamina Executive recommended that the diplomats meet as a group with the Education Ministry to encourage a rotation of teachers -- often members of the radical SUTEP teachers union and Patria Roja -- in conflictive mining communities. He also suggested that the Embassies urge the Catholic Church to rotate bishops operating in these regions. The Ambassadors agreed to consider this, but needed specific examples of anti-mining teachers and priests, who engage in inappropriate activities.

10. (SBU) The executives expressed concern that none of the political party leaders had spoken against the anti-mining violence. Santa Cruz emphasized that it is crucial to stop the impunity for those who damage private property and block roads. There is a law pending approval in Congress that would give the GOP the legal framework to enhance security in mining communities. All too often, the police will arrest instigators of anti-mining violence, but the local prosecutors release them under pressure from the community. The pending law would permit the police to move a detainee to a different jurisdiction, thereby reducing the likelihood of prosecutors bowing to local demands. The Ambassadors agreed to evaluate when a meeting with the chiefs of the political parties would be most effective.
Comment: PPK Will be Instrumental

---------------------------------

11. (SBU) Pending key information from the mining companies, a core group of country representatives (U.S., Canada, U.K., Australia, Switzerland, South Africa) are ready to meet as a group with the GOP, Catholic Church and political party leaders. With the appointment of new Prime Minister Pedro Pablo Kuczynski, we have an influential government ally in a position that is willing to tackle the lawlessness issue in mining communities. His recent statements about putting the GOP's house in order, establishing control of the roadways where commerce transits, are encouraging.
STRUBLE

====================

US embassy cables: Peru rocked by violent anti-mining protests
• guardian.co.uk, Monday 31 January 2011
http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/us-embassy-cables-documents/38742?intcmp=239
Cable dated:2005-08-17T21:24:00]
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 02 LIMA 003571
SIPDIS
EB FOR A/S WAYNE; WHA FOR MONSERRATE; INL FOR AGUILERA
E.O. 12958: DECL: 08/16/2015
TAGS: EMIN, PGOV, SNAR, ASEC, EINV, ENRG, PE
SUBJECT: MAJAZ ANTI-MINING VIOLENCE ON ECUADOR BORDER
REF: A. LIMA 1432
B. 04 LIMA 5874

Classified By: Ambassador J. Curtis Struble. Reason: 1.4 (b,d)

1. (SBU) SUMMARY: Violent protests against British firm Majaz,s exploration for copper near the Ecuador border have resulted in three deaths and several kidnappings. An unusual combination of anti-mining NGOs, the Catholic Church, leftist groups and narcotraffickers have marshaled protesters from the surrounding provincesXXXXXXXXXXXX The Mission continues its work with other Embassies and mining investors to promote conflict resolution. END SUMMARY.

2. (U) Sporadic protests began a year ago in the Minera Majaz exploration zone along the Rio Blanco, on the Ecuadorian border in northern Piura. XXXXXXXXXXXX On 7/28 protesters began road blockages and confrontations with the Peruvian National Police (PNP). The GOP sent a negotiating team to the zone to lower tensions, but Vice Minister of Mines (MEM) Romulo Mucho was injured by a protester as he left a negotiating session in Cajamarca. Despite claims that police killed many protesters, only one death (gunshot from an unknown assailant) was confirmed during demonstrations. The PNP reported also that two locals died in their home when their explosive device detonated.

3. (SBU) On 8/6 Ronderos kidnapped two Majaz employees and took them to villages where they were beaten. The two were released, but on 8/14 ronderos kidnapped ten other employees, releasing them only after the employees signed agreements not to work for Majaz. Ronderos have announced plans for more demonstrations on 8/18.

4. (C) Conversations between Mission officers, MEM VM Mucho, Majaz executives, NGO representatives and PNP officials yielded a common theme that the protesters have no negotiable complaints, but rather want to keep outsiders away. The forces overtly arrayed against Majaz are the local ronderos, mayors, several Catholic priests and some NGOs. Working behind the scene are a combination of the Peruvian Communist Party/Patria Roja, national teachers, union SUTEP and perhaps opium poppy traffickers.

5. (SBU) The Peruvian National Police have said publicly that they believe opium traffickers have also played a role in stoking the violence -- an assertion the police have amplified in private conversations with Emboffs. Police report that they have destroyed over 70,000 opium poppy plants in Northern Peru since June 2005. Company representatives have also asserted that the Majaz exploration site lies along a foot track used by couriers who convey opium latex to Ecuador.

6. (C) Comment: This area of northern Peru is in fact a priority target of our efforts to collect intelligence on poppy cultivation and opium trafficking. We are working with both the police and company representatives to further develop the information they have. So far, however, the information is general. There have been past instances when non-U.S. mining companies have claimed unconvincingly that narco-traffickers were behind opposition to their operations in an effort to enlist our assistance. End Comment.

7. (C) NGO XXXXXXXXXXXX has becomeXXXXXXXXXXXX frustrated XXXXXXXXXXXX in the Majaz community negotiations. XXXXXXXXXXXX told us that Majaz and MEM VM Mucho were making reasonable efforts to mediate; here, XXXXXXXXXXXX said, the ronderos refused to negotiate and simply wanted Majaz to leave. XXXXXXXXXXXX noted that other mediating NGOs XXXXXXXXXXXX were experiencing the same frustration with the ronderos.

8. (U) Minera Majaz is the Peruvian subsidiary of British firm Monterrico Metals. Majaz has spent $20 million exploring for copper for over a year, building roads and providing services and employment to area residents. Exploratory drilling has finished; surveying of a planned copper concentrate pipeline (the last step for Majaz,s feasibility study) ceased during protests but resumed on 8/11. Militants still deny access to most of the pipeline route. The planned $800 million investment in a deposit of 1.3 billion metric tons (MT) of copper ore could produce 220,000 MT of copper concentrate and 500 MT of molybdenum per year.

9. (U) Embassy Lima has recently stepped up efforts to improve coordination with the embassies of Canada, Great Britain, Australia, Switzerland and South Africa as well as with major foreign mining investors with an eye to reducing anti-mining violence (Septel/Reftels).

10. (C) Comment: The anti-mining forces in action in Majaz represent a strange group of bedfellows indeed -- the Catholic church, violent radical leftists, NGOs, ronderos and perhaps narcotraffickers. These organizations are competing for a leadership role but in some cases also cooperate. The extent to which the church is tied into the ronderos and radical left is both controversial and still open to question. Unlike recent conflicts in Southern Peru (e.g., Tintaya) the protests in Majaz are not aimed at forcing a redistribution of royalties or more generous economic support from a mine. Northern Peru has a reputation for being more anti-mining than the South, where the industry is better developed and more of the local populations see benefits from the activity. The objective of protesters in Majaz is to kill the project while it is in the exploration phase -- before, presumably, a pro-mine constituency can develop in the area. STRUBLE
======================

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